Why a wealth tax is a terrible idea

The wealth tax cure-all is having its day. Long time a favourite of the ‘progressive’ left to ameliorate the evils of capitalism, it has gained extra exposure from Gary Stevenson, the City trader turned bestselling author, YouTuber and leftist poster-boy. This self-acclaimed “very, very good economist” puts taxing the rich at the centre of his crusade for a fairer society. More recently, with the Labour government’s fiscal plans in tatters, their former leader Neil Kinnock floated the expediency of a 2 per cent tax on assets valued above £10 million. Subsequently at Prime Minister’s Questions the current leader Keir Starmer refused to rule out a new tax on wealth. 

Little better illustrates today’s political and cultural barriers to economic growth than these voguish proposals for a wealth tax. The suggestion of taxing the super-rich to address the government’s fiscal hole is another lily-livered evasion of the tough decisions required. It expresses the cultural and political elites’ prerogative that there is always some other group who can pay for social needs and for their own privileges.

Governments need to stop assuming there is always someone to pay for their spineless overspending. 

Read the full article here.

Labour has no answers to Britain’s economic slump

The government’s long-awaited industrial strategy is a weak rehash of familiar, failed ideas.

After Labour’s first year of chaos and U-turns, the prime minister Keir Starmer managed to keep a straight face when claiming this 10-year industrial strategy provided ‘stability’ and ‘certainty’ for business. Though if any business leaders thought the document offered ‘certainty’ even about taxation levels just four months’ hence in the autumn Budget, they would have been disappointed.

This stereotypical industrial policy announcement prompts three questions. Why did it take them so long to draw up something so standard? Second, why is there such a gap between the widely-perceived scale of our economic problems and this hackneyed set of policies? And, third, more perplexing, why is there still so much support across the political spectrum for the idea of an ‘industrial strategy’, when all these blueprints for change have been so ineffective in shaking Britain out of its economic stupor? 

For answers to these questions, read the full article here.

Rachel the Deluded

Playing on the title of an Australian TV series, some critics of chancellor Rachel Reeves have taken to calling her ‘Rachel from Accounts’. That’s unfair to people who work in accounts departments. Most of them can interpret a balance sheet – a skill that seems to be beyond the capabilities of Britain’s chancellor.

Presenting today’s spending review, Reeves once again told the public that she can make everything add up, in defiance of common sense. ‘Rachel the Deluded’ is a more apt nickname

She insisted that the government can stick to its public-spending commitments, while not raising taxes on ‘working people’. And it can do all this while fulfilling her self-imposed fiscal rules.

In her fantastical spending-review statement, she claimed that Brits are starting to ‘see the results’ from her having ‘fixed the foundations’ and delivered ‘economic stability’.

Worse still, the spending review shows that the chancellor is continuing to ignore mounting public debt. Indeed, this clueless government has doubled down on the fantasy that the UK can borrow its way to growth, even though the national debt is already the equivalent of annual economic output.

Read the full article here.

Scrap the fiscal rules, abolish the OBR

The parlous state of the British economy and its public finances shows us what happens when you defer to the ‘experts’. Rachel Reeves is a middle manager posing as chancellor. She exemplifies the managerial politician. She doesn’t make political decisions about what the country and its people need, so much as follow rules and procedures authored by experts – by those who supposedly know best.

Read the full article here.

The death of the West?

‘There are decades where nothing happens; and there are weeks where decades happen’, Vladimir Lenin is supposed to have said. But the globalised world order collapsing within the space of weeks would be momentous even by the Bolshevik leader’s standards. This is certainly what many international politics watchers think is happening.

Bronwen Maddox, director of the Chatham House think-tank, has said that the concept of the West as an alliance of liberal democracies is ‘probably’ over. Michael Clarke, a former director general of the Royal United Services Institute, has been more forthright. ‘The West is dead’, he said. Meanwhile Marc Chandler, chief strategist at Bannockburn Global Forex, has said that Trump’s policies will ‘end globalisation’.

The problem with these obituaries to the West, these valedictions to the world order and to globalisation, is that they assume that a decisive transition has taken place in recent weeks. But this is not what is happening. Rather these declarations express the dawning, and deepening, recognition by the west’s elites of the existing instability of global politics and economics, even though this has been so for some time.

In truth, the geopolitical and economic shifts and fractures that Trump has brought to the fore over the past few weeks have been taking place for years.

Read the full article here.